Izstopajo naslednje ocene: da so mediji pod vplivom predsednika države Kučana (nekdanjega komunista) in da gre pri nas za najhujše oblike cenzure (Družina, 17. 9. 2000); da med novinarji prevladuje avtocenzura, da gre za nenehne napade medijev na Cerkev in za mlačen odnos države do Cerkve (to je stališče nove vladne stranke NSi, katere predsednik je hkrati predsednik vlade in dejaven v predvolilnem boju; Radio Slovenija 1, 18. 9. 2000); da se zaradi medijske blokade premalo govori o uspehih Bajukove vlade; da ni ustrezna nobena javnomnenjska raziskava, saj gre za 'monopolno javno mnenje'; da se ravno v tem predvolilnem času dogajajo na Slovenskem najhujše oblike cenzure; da 'katoliška Cerkev kljub večinskemu položaju nima potrebne politične teže'; da poskušajo novinarji na nacionalni televiziji s svojimi vprašanji razbiti pomladne stranke (Radio Ognjišče, 28.-29. 9. 2000); apostolski nuncij izjavi, da slovenska nacionalna TV zanemarja verske teme in da eden od slovenskih tednikov vztrajno išče škandalozne dogodke v Cerkvi (Dnevnik, 13. 10. 2000), kar se nanaša na tednik Mladina, ki je med drugim objavil tudi seksualno-provokativno risbo nadškofa Rodeta (kot eno v redni seriji tovrstnih risb, v kateri so se pojavljali enako razgaljeni mnogi najuglednejši politiki, tako z leve kot z desne, in druge medijsko izpostavljene osebnosti); ista revija, ki je v očeh cerkvenih predstavnikov izrazito levičarsko usmerjena, kritizira v prav vsaki številki tudi vsaj enega predstavnika levih strank, LDS ali pa Kučana, hkrati pa je mogoče najti stališča v korist desnice; vse to velja tudi v predvolilnem času (gl. Mladina, 18. 9. 2000); predsednik vlade in stranke NSi zatrjuje na nacionalnem radiu, da 'v Sloveniji tik pred volitvami vlada popolna medijska blokada' (Radio 1, 29. 10. 2000) in hkrati poudarja, da javnomnenjskim anketam ne verjame, ko merijo uspešnost njegove stranke - nakar to stališče pojasni takole: anketam ne verjame takrat, ko prikazujejo negativen volilni rezultat, in ne verjame jim tudi, ko prikazujejo pozitiven rezultat, saj namesto tega verjame 'v eno samo stvar, ko hodim po našem podeželju in vidim ljudi...' (TV 3, 9.10. 2000); vladni urad za informiranje kritizira medijsko enostranost, da so naši mediji podobni srbskim, da izvajajo 'hujskaško propagando' in blatijo 'Janšo, Bajuka, Rodeta in Podobnika' (ibid. 6. 10. 2000, POP TV, 6. 10. 2000); da je od vseh 'najbolj nervozna prav nacionalna televizija' (Večer, 12. 10. 2000) itd.
The following conclusions were outstanding: the media are under the influence of President Milan Kučan (an ex-Communist) and Slovenia has the worst form of censorship (Družina, 17 September 2000); auto-censorship is prevailing among journalists, the media incessantly attack the Church, and the state's attitude towards the Church is insipid (this being the standpoint of the newly founded governmental party NSi, whose leader, Dr. Bajuk, was the Prime Minister at that time and active in the election campaign; Radio Slovenia 1, 18 September 2000); due to the media obstruction, the achievements of Bajuk's government were not sufficiently presented to the public; not one opinion poll is competent because the public opinion is a 'monopoly opinion'; the worst form of censorship in Slovenia occurred precisely during the pre-election period; 'the Catholic Church lacks the required political weight despite its majority position'; journalists on the national TV channel attempted to break down the 'Spring Parties' (Radio Ognjišče, 28-29 September 2000); the Apostolic Nuncio stated that Slovenian national TV neglected religious topics and that one of the Slovenian weekly magazines persistently hunted for scandalous events within the Church (Dnevnik, 13 October 2000); the latter is a reference to a sexually provocative drawing of Archbishop Franc Rode published by Mladina weekly magazine (the drawing was one in a series of other similar ones showing many other reputed politicians equally stripped, both from the right and the left wing, and other media personalities; the same magazine, which is, in the opinion of the Church, expressly left-oriented, criticizes in each issue at least one representative of the left parties, the LDS or president Kučan, and moreover, it is possible to find in it certain standpoints in favor of the right wing; all this applies to the pre-election period as well, see Mladina 18 September 2000); the Prime Minister and the leader of the NSi asserted on the national radio station that 'in Slovenia, right before the elections, there is a total blockade of the media' (Radio 1, 29 October 2000) and stressed in the same breath that he did not trust the public opinion polls that forecast election results, explaining his statement as follows: he does not trust the polls that predict negative election results, nor those that forecast positive results, he trusts 'one thing only, that is, when I walk around our countryside and see people....' (TV 3, 9 October 2000); the Government Public Relations and Media Office criticized the one-sidedness of the media, stating that Slovenian media are similar to those in Serbia, that they foment 'firebrand propaganda' and 'throw mud at Janez Janša, Andrej Bajuk, Franc Rode and Marjan Podobnik' (ibid. 6 October 2000, POP TV, 6 October 2000); the most nervous of all is the national TV station (Večer, 12 October 2000) etc.